#DiplomaticCentennial/Ambassador Dranga:Romania, Poland regional leaders wishing strong trans-Atlantic ties, deep bilateral relations with US

The joint celebration of the Centennial of Romania's Greater Union and the Independence Centennial of Poland offer the two states cooperation opportunities for emphasizing their modern history's reference moments, added to the Romania-Poland strategic partnership, the Romanian ambassador to Poland, Ovidiu Dranga, told AGERPRES in an interview.

Romania and Poland are regional leaders that have exceeded the stage of harmonizing perceptions and aligning foreign policy agendas, becoming the engine of the strategic cooperation on the NATO and EU eastern flank, says the Romanian diplomat.

Dranga adds that without the US security umbrella, Europe is vulnerable, stressing in this context that Romania and Poland plead for strong transatlantic ties and advocating deep bilateral connections with the US, both on the security and the economic and investment level.

Referring to the debate on the EU future, ambassador Ovidiu Dranga says that the European design, in order to survive in its current shape or reinvent itself, must serve efficiently the member states' interests and be enhanced on three paramount pillars: pragmatism, closeness to the citizen, equality among the member states. In this context, Romania and Poland could do much more together and could contribute with ideas and projects to the EU future, to drawing the direction the community design will follow, the Romanian diplomat adds in his e-mail interview to AGERPRES.

The two countries understand the opportunity to coordinate in preparing negotiations on the future EU multiannual financial framework, says Dranga, emphasising that the absorption of the community funds must contribute to increase competitiveness, education and infrastructure development, to improving the environment quality, fields in which Poland has made concrete progress, being a source of inspiration.

As for the Polish judiciary reform, the Romanian ambassador brings to mind that the Warsaw gov't has highlighted that this is a consequence of the public expectations and the solutions adopted are not different from the ones applied by other EU member states. He expresses hope that the divergences between Poland and the European Commission on the rule of law will be solved through a dialogue to be supported by Romania, as well, during the Presidency of the Council of the EU, if this file is not solved by then.

The diplomat describes Poland as a performing, overwhelmingly pro-European society headed with competence and patriotism, generating wealth and progress and where social polarization is narrowing, and the cohesion and trustworthiness degree stay at high levels, a country with political disputes, but these manifest within the institutional and constitutional framework. He also notices in Poland a genuine feeling of national pride, intelligently cultivated in schools and families.

The interview is part of the #CentenarDiplomatic /#DiplomaticCentennial editorial project unfolded by AGERPRES along the year, with an accent on the diplomatic relations in the context of the 100th anniversary of the Great Union.

AGERPRES: Next year there will be the 10th anniversary of the strategic partnership inked by Romania and Poland. In what fields notable outcomes were recorded and what are the future plans of this partnership, given the several common objectives and interests, such as the very close relationship with the USA, the relations with the eastern neighbourhood, the attachment of the Romanian and Polish societies to their traditional values, the disapproval of the two-speed EU concept?

Ovidiu Dranga: The current context has a special symbol from the political and diplomatic viewpoint. The year 2018 not only marks the Great Union Centennial and the Polish Independence Centennial, but it also prefigures the triple anniversary in 2019 when celebrated will be 100 years of Romanian-Polish diplomatic ties, 30 years since the communist dictatorship has fallen and a decade since the Strategic Partnership was inked. We are today in front of a reflection moment upon our joint history that has brought us closer in time, and also one moment when we could make an assessment of the recent outcomes linked to the bilateral cooperation within the Strategic Partnership.
We can say, without any doubt that Romania and Poland completed the stage of harmonizing perceptions and aligning foreign policy agendas, thus entering a strategic construction stage, with regional, European and Euro-Atlantic discharge. The two states have become the engine of the strategic cooperation on the NATO and EU eastern flank, and the B9 format summits (Bucharest, November 2015 and Warsaw, June 2018), and the Three Seas Initiative (Warsaw, June 2017 and Bucharest, September 2018), respectively, stand proof to this new reality.
The contribution of the B9 format is unanimously acknowledged to getting concrete major results in the direction of strengthening the NATO eastern flank; the decisions made at the NATO summit in Warsaw (2016) and their subsequent implementation are the most eloquent proof in this respect.
Romania and Poland are currently having a dynamic, multidimensional bilateral relation. Both countries act to reassert the Strategic Partnership, to maintain the evolutionary path of cooperation in security and defence, to deepen the economic and sectoral matters, respectively. I pleaded and still am pleading for balancing the bilateral ties with a more consistent contribution regarding the economic collaboration. The Polish-Romanian bilateral trade and industry chamber has been re-established, the amount of the commercial exchanges has almost doubled in the past five years, with over 5 billion euros per annum, but I believe that here too has to be considered the strategic component. I notice the value of the North-South energy and transport corridor that glues the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea, in security words. The defence industry is yet another sector that needs urgently a political energy injection. Also, the artificial intelligence and the IT deserve an increased attention.
Romania and Poland are aware of the importance of the Eastern Vicinity and the EU enlargement, and plead for strong trans-Atlantic ties, staying adepts of a deep bilateral relation with the United States of America, at both the security and the economic and investment level. Not least, the perspective of Romania's rotating Presidency of the EU Council in the first half of 2019 offers opportunities for deep consultations on European topics, as regards the post-Brexit future of the EU.

AGERPRES: The matter of the judiciary reforms dominate the Polish actuality and stirs worries of both the political opposition and the European Commission, in the way that through the respective legislative amendments the subordination of the judiciary is aimed at. How are these reforms in Poland and the positioning on this topic seen?

Ovidiu Dranga: In their argument, the Warsaw gov't said constantly that the goal of the judiciary reform is to make it more practical and more efficient and to re-establish the necessary balance between the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary, by keeping - at the same time - all the guarantees regarding the judicial independence. At the same time, the Polish authorities say that the solutions passed are meant to ensure the proper gears to prevent the problems and deficiencies that have affected the Polish judiciary for years and which the judicial community hasn't managed to alleviate on their own. The Polish side is certain that all these measures will bear positive fruit under the form of a more efficient management of the act of justice in Poland.
Repeatedly, the Polish gov't stressed that their decision to reform the national judiciary is a consequence of the public expectations, emphasizing that the solutions adopted were no different from the ones applied in other EU member states.
On the other hand, indeed there are at European level a series of worries in relation with these measures, that start from the assessment that there might be risks to breach the European values, the rule of law included, being decided - as a consequence - the initiation on behalf of the European Commission of the procedure provided by Art. 7 of the EU Treaty.
As far as Romania is concerned, we are confident in the commitment assumed by Poland to solve the litigation with the European Commission and in the Polish authorities' availability to continue the dialogue with a view to identify a satisfactory solution for both sides.
As for me, I see a performing, overwhelmingly pro-European society headed with competence and patriotism, that is generating wealth and progress and where the social polarisation is diminishing, and the cohesion and trustworthiness degree stays at high rates. Of course, political disputes exist, but they manifest in the existing institutional and constitutional framework limits. I also notice a boosting economy, in the equation of which 'the re-Polonisation' guarantees the internal strings to feed the growth, an enviable road and railway infrastructure and an obvious care for the citizens and their needs. But, beyond all this, I have found an authentic feeling of national pride, smartly cultivated in school and family which I have never met in any other part of Europe.

AGERPRES: The rule of law and the judiciary reforms are a current topic in Romania, too. Where there comments in this respect in Warsaw?

Ovidiu Dranga: The Polish authorities have never voiced their opinion over the legislative steps in Romania you are pointing to. Besides, there is a tradition in the political and diplomatic relations among states, requiring a certain abstention degree as regards the statements that aim at the internal affairs of other countries, all the more of the allied and partners, and the Warsaw officials are not an exception to this rule.
I also notice the fact that the diplomatic offices accredited in Warsaw, almost without any exception, avoid to express publicly any critical standings to the policies or measures passed by the Polish authorities.

AGERPRES: What is Romania's stance towards the enforcement against Poland of Art. 7 with EU Treaty?

Ovidiu Dranga: Romania is encouraging an active dialogue and an open cooperation between Poland and the European Commission in the next period and the covering of all necessary steps to reach a joint solution regarding the paramount issues, capable to answer the interest to enhance the European unity, in the spirit of respect towards the provisions of the EU treaties and values.
We are pursuing this dialogue carefully - and I'm stressing the word dialogue. We believe that Poland has made a real effort lately to actively and committedly communicate with the European bodies and the EU member states on this punctual matter.
Hopefully things will be cleared and speedily concluded. If this situation is prolonged during the Romanian mandate to the EU Council, then we shall do only what is natural, namely to support further the dialogue with all the actors involved till the file is closed.
The rather complicated context we are placing ourselves - at both European and international level - explains largely the reticence degree that is prefiguring from some EU member states to reach the vote on the Polish file in the Council. The main arguments called in this principled debate are linked to the opportuneness of such a step, as well as the fragmentation risk a vote would have. In the public space there have already surfaced many legitimate questions remained without an answer so far. Could the European Union afford another crisis? Is Europe ready to absorb another shock? More, will this political gesture feed the perception that the EU is a tutelary forum or will there confirm that the EU is an entity of international law, made up of national states that have accepted to cede a part of their sovereignty in the benefit of making a European political community, as the EU Treaty foresees? I believe we are facing a moment where the political disputes at European level should let place to the conciliating tone and constructive approach, starting from facts and reality, and not from perceptions, in the spirit of the popular wisdom that says 'when we fight, our enemies get prosperous.'

AGERPRES: A current issue of great interest is the future of the EU, with two tendencies in this respect: countries such as Poland, seeking a Europe of sovereign states respecting national identity and traditional values, and countries, especially those in the West, which support a federalist Europe with a high degree of centralization of decisions in community institutions. How does the Romanian-Polish dialogue unfold on the future of the EU and in the context of the future Romanian Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2019?

Ovidiu Dranga: In my opinion, the demarcation of the European states and the European citizens on the demarcation line between federal Europe versus confederal Europe is a simplistic approach, with a high degree of generalization, which loses sight of an essential thing, namely that the relations between the tendencies you are referring to are not always antagonistic. The text of the EU Treaty (consolidated version) is clear in this respect (Article 4.2): "The Union respects the equality of member states in relation to the treaties and their national identity, inherent in their fundamental political and constitutional structures, including local and regional autonomy. It respects the essential functions of the state and, in particular, those aimed at ensuring its territorial integrity, the maintenance of public order and the defense of national security. In particular, national security remains the exclusive responsibility of each member state.''
In my interpretation, both groups want essentially the same thing: solidarity, cohesion and social progress, political stability; both want a relevant Europe that counts increasingly more in the global power equation. On the other hand, we all want, I think, to approach the center where decisions are made to their beneficiaries, namely European citizens. The increasingly spread perception that the distance between the nucleus and the periphery is widening, both at EU and member states' level, it is a reality that we must all be aware of.
The national identity and traditional values do not exclude a high degree of convergence of decisions on the common good, and the sacrifices that the EU must make to become more competitive, stronger and more exciting for its global partners, especially the US, must be assumed by both.
For Romania, I believe that the future of Europe must be built on the following essential pillars: pragmatism, closeness to citizen, equality between member states. Our vision within the EU is a firmly pro-European one that seeks deeper integration within the Union. We support the imprinting of a pragmatic EU approach, with feasible goals so that citizens can perceive tangible results and the added value of the European project. We support any EU deepening initiative as long as it is conceived in an inclusive manner, based on the same criteria for all member states. From this perspective, I agree with Guy Verhofstadt, former Prime Minister of Belgium, who, in 'Europe's last chance,' states unequivocally that 'Europe must remain united if it wants to survive in the world of today'.
But, abandoning any hypocrisy, we must admit that the European project is not a goal in itself and it will survive, in the present form or will reinvent itself, only if it continues to serve effectively the interests of the member states, as they will be defined in each historical stage. Experience teaches that no political arrangement, however seductive, is eternal and should not be taken as a given fact, as a gift of history. The European Union has been and remains a tool to reduce disparities in the member states' development, to safeguard a political and social model that has guaranteed peace and solidarity across the continent over six decades, demonstrating that interdependence and cooperation are more profitable than confrontation and conflict. In his book "The Road to Unfreedom," Timothy Snyder rightly observes that "European integration takes too long, so Europeans tend to conceive it as being self-evident, forgetting or neglecting the strength and resonance of other political models "and that "the difference between an empire and the EU is that the latter has as organizing principle the equality between states."
That is why I am convinced that Central Europe needs a strong and articulate voice in Brussels, a voice that provides solutions for NATO and the EU as a whole, not a factor of division or fracture of solidarity and the Euro-Atlantic unity. Romania and Poland are directly and vitally interested in strengthening the transatlantic relationship and diversifying the cooperation between NATO and the EU. Without the US security umbrella, Europe is still vulnerable. In my opinion, the strategic unity between the US and its European allies is the right response to the huge challenges that come from both the East and the South, in a regional and world context marked by uncertainty and uncertainty. What began on the beaches of Normandy cannot fail in an accounting dispute. Therefore, no one should be surprised that Warsaw and Bucharest have gone from talk to deeds, turning a political desideratum into a pro-active reporting to the security challenges in our eastern neighborhood. The Bucharest 9 Format is the concrete expression of our contribution to strengthening the eastern flank of NATO and the EU southern border.
The consonant evaluations of Romania and Poland matter. Romania and Poland can do more together and can contribute ideas and projects to the future of the EU, to the direction of the Community project. The future of the EU is above all the way in which community institutions adapt to the new political, geopolitical, economic and social realities on the continent and beyond. The EU's position on the expectations and interests of European citizens is also very important. Any departure from them will amplify the sense of lack of trust in the European institutions.
Going back to your question, the Romanian-Polish bilateral dialogue on a wide range of subjects is more intense than ever, as evidenced both by the meeting of the Romanian and Polish Presidents on June 7 this year on the sidelines of the Bucharest 9 Format Summit and the recent intergovernmental consultations held in Warsaw on May 25, under the coordination of prime ministers.

AGERPRES: The countries of the Visegrad Group (V4) are characterized by a unity of positions on many European issues, including the EU reform. How do you appreciate the evolution of Romania's dialogue with this group? Has Romania asked Poland to support certain European positions at European level, such as the rejection of migrant quotas, which these countries regard as a threat to their cultural and Christian identity?

Ovidiu Dranga: First, let me point out that the Visegrad Group is not a political monolith, not even when it comes to the European agenda. Certainly, there is a high degree of convergence among the four participating states, specific to the whole region of Central and Eastern Europe. In this context, opinions do not always coincide and we are talking about issues such as the Eurozone membership, energy security, the situation of seconded workers etc. The main asset of the Visegrad Group is the high frequency of contacts, the rapid consultation mechanism and the exchange of ideas, the dialogue and structured interaction, which generate a better degree of mutual understanding of individual sensitivities.
As you most likely know, Romania periodically participates constructively in sectoral meetings in the V4 + format that address priority areas for our country (Eastern Partnership, Western Balkans, Home Affairs, Cohesion Policy, Agriculture, Environment, etc.).
Regional cooperation is an important component of Romanian diplomacy as it contributes to strengthening the political dialogue and the development of regional projects. Alongside V4, the Bucharest 9 Format and the Three Nations Initiative - associative formulas in which Romania's contribution is a significant one - are the main pillars of the architecture in Central and Eastern Europe.

AGERPRES: Divergences in issues such as the rule of law, the vision of the European project and migration have created tensions within the community bloc between East and West. What solutions do you see possible to redress these relationships? How could the Central and Eastern European countries make better understand their choices in Brussels and Western capitals, especially in Paris and Berlin?

Ovidiu Dranga: First of all, I would remind you that there have been and there are projects that have enjoyed the unconditional support of all European partners, and I am referring here primarily to the Black Sea Synergy, the Danube Strategy and the Eastern Partnership, all of which have as their starting point Central and Eastern Europe - Romania and Poland. Through a common voice, sustainable ideas and projects, Romania and Poland, alone or together, have been able to capture the attention of European partners and have attracted resources for generous political and visibility initiatives that produce effects, even if not at the originally expected pace. Who could have imagined before accession that Romanian and Polish projects would be assumed by the great European capitals?
Almost two decades ago, the countries in the region started a difficult and challenging road, which we called, generically, transition. Whether we are talking about the transition from totalitarian regimes to democracy, from centralized economies to market economies, from being a candidate for EU membership to full membership, this process of comprehensive transformation has been a success and is one of the reference moments of contemporary European history.
Over time, the nature of the dialogue between the states of the region and Brussels has transformed, in its turn, as the European Union itself has changed. The legitimate aspirations of the region are for our interests and assessments to be taken into account in European decision-making; we want to continue to contribute with sustainable and pragmatic solutions, as we have already shown that we can do it. It is a natural evolution in the direction of maturing and political emancipation, which no one can inhibit. Refusing to accept that the geographical area between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea, amounting to more than 100 million European citizens, has taken on political weight within the European family would be an error. Is it condemning that countries in the region have ideas and projects? Does anyone fear the political activism of Romania and Poland? Does anyone feel threatened that Romania and Poland "have learned the game"?

AGERPRES: The European Commission has recently unveiled the budget proposals for the years 2017 - 2021. At certain chapters Romania and Poland would stand to lose European funds. Moreover, in the European Commission's financial blueprint there is a political requirement making the rule of law conditional for the disbursement of the funds. Will Romania and Poland coordinate their stances at the negotiations on this financial framework?

Ovidiu Dranga: Romania has taken note of the Commission's proposal that also has the backing of some member states - we are closely analyzing it. Romania is and stays a supporter of European principles and values. However, it is important for this framework to be transparent, with clear regulations and provisions that should not be a hindrance to accessing funds.
We consider that the Cohesion Policy and the Common Agricultural Policy remain the main investment priorities in the future budget. Despite that, we are concerned with the cut of allocations to the two policies - which could slow down the strengthening process of EU convergence, as well as with the newly proposed requirements on implementation.
Romania is attentively examining the Commission's proposal for a regulation setting in place conditionalities linked to the rule of law, including the legal foundation based on the Union Treaties. Romania is and stays a supporter of European principles and values. It is important for this framework to be transparent, with clear regulations and provisions that should not be a hindrance to accessing funds. Yet the absorption of community funds should not be seen as a purpose for itself; what counts in the first place are the changes it brings into society, how it contributes to increasing competitiveness, education and the development of infrastructure, to improving environmental quality, which are all areas where Poland has made substantial progress and represents an inspiration.
The two states are part of the so called "Friends of cohesion" group and understand the timeliness of coordinating on preparations for the negotiations on the future EU multi-annual financial framework. Moreover, let me note one aspect. If we reduce the European project to EU funding, in a transactional logic, we risk losing sight of the strategic perspective. The Marshall Plan was not limited to merely providing credits for profit to war-devastated economies. It was aimed at creating a strong middle-class in all the envisaged states and at reaching a certain degree of togetherness and mutually beneficial interaction between beneficiaries and donors, making possible reconstruction and peace on the European continent. It seems to me that we forget too soon that the same goal was also the underlying element for European integration after the end of the Cold War...

AGERPRES: Poland is heavily relying on the Three Seas Initiative it launched together with Croatia and which will see Romania hosting a summit this fall. What themes do you have in preparation for the dialogue with the Polish authorities at this meeting? Should we expect progress on energy projects for the diversification of gas supply sources or the Via Carpatia motorway project?

Ovidiu Dranga: The Three Seas Initiative summit Romania will be hosting in September is very important. It will build on the decisions of the successful Warsaw summit last year and will prove through concrete results that the Initiative is indeed a useful and necessary contribution to the economic development of the region and to European cohesion, for accomplishing real convergence in the European Union, and a contribution to strengthening the transatlantic relationship.
We expect an important European participation at this summit, just as the meetings of the B9 Format enjoy the presence of our partners in the North-Atlantic Alliance.
On this occasion, Romania envisages an agreement on a shortlist of major interconnection projects in transportation, energy and the digital sector, the organization of the Initiative's first Business Forum, the launch of a network of the Chambers of Commerce of the Initiative's 12 participating states and of other projects.

AGERPRES: Looking at the ambitions of the Polish foreign policy, including the relaunch of the Weimar Triangle together with Germany and France, and the active promotion of Poland's interests within the Three Seas Initiative, do you think we can consider Poland to be a European or regional leader now or in the near future?

Ovidiu Dranga: Please allow me a concise answer to this question. Romania and Poland are regional leaders and make an impactful contribution - through formulas such as the B9 Format, the Three Seas Initiative or the trilateral cooperation with Turkey - to the decision-making processes that concern Central and Eastern Europe.

AGERPRES: Romania is celebrating this year the Greater Union Centennial, and Poland marks its Independence Centennial also this year. Are there joint events planned to mark these anniversaries?

Ovidiu Dranga: The joint celebration of the 100th anniversary of the end of the First World War, as well as of Romania's Greater Union Centennial and Poland's Independence Centennial offer the two states cooperation opportunities to highlight the landmarks of the two states' modern history, but also of the Romanian-Polish strategic partnership, with all its dimensions.
In this sense, we are considering synergy between the events and manifestations that will be organized by the two countries (exhibitions, conferences, debates) as well as setting up a platform that will bring together all Romanian-Polish projects for the coming years - 2018, 2019 - when we mark 100 years of bilateral relations, and 2020, in keeping with the multi-annual programs marking the Centennial anniversaries in Romania and Poland.
Apart from organizing cultural events dedicated to the Romanian Days in Poland and Polish Days in Romania - in November-December 2018 - we propose a series of conferences in Warsaw and Bucharest with the participation of Romanian and Polish historians who will look at the most important moments of our common history, with the involvement of the national archives of the two states, of Poland's Institute of National Remembrance, of the institutions responsible for the study of anti-communist dissidence, etc.
The signing on 25 May this year, in the context of Romanian-Polish inter-governmental consultations, of the war graves agreement confirms the respect our countries show to their joint history, which defines our profile and close current interests. At the same time, the agreement provides the legal framework for starting the restoration project of the Romanian part of the Lambinowice military cemetery (which is the resting place for more than 2,600 Romanian soldiers who died during WWI). Following the steps taken by the Romanian Embassy in Warsaw, the financing of this project by the Romanian Government was approved and included in the National Program of events dedicated to the commemoration of the WWI Centennial.
At the same time, I am particularly pleased to evoke another important project of the Embassy unfolding under the High Patronage of the Presidents of Romania and Poland - the exhibition "Alliance Centennial. The Romanian-Polish Diplomacy over 1918-1939", inaugurated on June 7, in the presence of the President Romania and of his Polish counterpart.
Accomplished in cooperation with the Warsaw Cultural Institute and hosted at the premises of Poland's National Chamber of Commerce, the exhibition is dedicated to the Romanian-Polish joint history between 1919 - 1939 and includes more than one hundred pictures and archive diplomatic documents, including: the visit of King Ferdinand and Queen Maria to Warsaw and the visit of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski to Bucharest and Sinaia, press coverage of these moments, the letter of Polish Prime Minister Ignacy Jan Paderewski to Romanian Prime Minister Ion IC Bratianu, requesting the recognition of the Polish state (December 1918), the Convention on Defensive Alliance (1921) and the Romanian-Polish Guarantee Treaty (1926). AGERPRES (RO - author: Sorin Popescu, editor: Gabriela Ionescu; EN - authors: Maria Voican, Bogdan Gabaroi, Simona Klodnischi, editor: Adina Panaitescu)