Illiberal democracy

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In Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and (in a way) the UK, anti-establishment populists now lead governments; in Germany, France, and Italy, they are major components of the parliamentary opposition.

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Aspiring authoritarian leaders and populist politicians are encouraged by divisive politics within mainstream political parties. They feel emboldened by blatant attacks on civil liberties by seasoned autocrats such as Russian President Vladimir Putin or Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. 

By the end of the 1980s, some believed that this system of governance, which engendered economic success and political stability, had won the day against any alternative. Communist and fascist authoritarianism were discredited. A mood of triumphalism set in, breeding complacency. But things look a lot less rosy for liberal democrats today.

Call it the "subsidy paradox": EU cash meant to encourage development ends up misused by populist governments whose very existence undermines the bloc's cherished values. Worse, it gives them stamina and strength.

In the best traditions of Magyar Szó, Pressburger says he was promised total editorial independence. But the promise meant little.

"VMSZ tried to influence what we write about," Pressburger told BIRN. "First, they wanted to convince me not to be critical and to write more about VMSZ and less about the other parties."

If presidential and EU elections in 2019 were any indication of what to expect in parliamentary polls on February 29, Slovaks can brace for a robust couple of months of campaigning.

In cosying up to the likes of Turkey, Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan, Hungary's Viktor Orban is pressing his case for illiberal democracy.

Karacsony called his victory "a lesson on democracy" after Fidesz-backed Istvan Tarlos conceded defeat, media reported.

With most ballots counted, Karacsony, 44, had the support of more than 50 per cent of voters in the capital, compared with just over 44 per cent for Tarlos, 71, mayor of Budapest since 2010.

Varhelyi might appear to be an apolitical bureaucrat. But he has loyally defended Orban's policies in Brussels for years. The Orban government has not afforded diplomats and other technocrats any independence and those whose careers have advanced during the past decade have had to display full loyalty to the regime.